As Republican candidates for president debated foreign policy in Spartanburg, South Carolina, Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) laid down lines of attack in the conservative National Review. Many of his attacks were echoed on Saturday by the candidates, who used the piece as a sort of playbook to fill in for a lack of experience and ideas in the field. Missing, in the debate and the article, was strategic thinking - China, for example, is mentioned only once in the piece, in relation to sanctions on Iran - as well as an understanding of the connection between the foundations of our strength at home and our power abroad. Also missing was awareness of how extreme conservative views clash with the advice of military leaders and nonpartisan national security experts. When Congresswoman Michele Bachmann (R-MN), for example, was asked about her support for torture techniques that our military opposes, she said: "I'm on the same side as Vice President Cheney on this issue" and against Colin Powell and John McCain. Below, NSN explores how the topics covered in Graham's article stack up against expert advice. Graham's words are in italics.

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President Obama stepped to the podium this morning at the United Nations General Assembly and declared, "This year has been a time of transformation.  More nations have stepped forward to maintain international peace and security. And more individuals are claiming their universal right to live in freedom and dignity." Yet Iran stands out, oppressing its people, defaulting on its international obligations and sending to New York a leader who is weaker than ever before. U.S. leadership, coalition pressure and the prospect of diplomacy have put Iran under unprecedented pressure, even as outgoing Joint Chiefs Chairman Admiral Mullen reminded us yesterday that diplomacy and outreach between our countries was "something we all need to spend a lot of time on."

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This week Iran is giving off new signs of both the complexity of its internal affairs and the relative weakness of its international position: an inconclusive meeting with Director General Yukiya Amano of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA); dwindling regional influence; economic woes and an ongoing power struggle between Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Diplomacy, coupled with smart punitive measures like sanctions, offers the best way forward. “Sanctions were never supposed to become an end [unto] themselves, but unfortunately they can easily become so, because they are something we know how to do,” said John Limbert, the former top State Department official dealing with Iran, “Changing relations with Iran is much harder [than imposing sanctions]—particularly if the other side is not going to be very cooperative.” But it’s the best approach. Israel’s outgoing intelligence chief has also joined the numerous national security experts in warning that a fourth military campaign in the Middle East would be “stupid,” not to mention “messy and protracted.”

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As newly elected officials arrive in Washington to be sworn-in, serious national security issues await the 112^th Congress.  But perhaps unexpectedly, where a political lens sees conflict, an expert lens shows substantial agreement around principled, pragmatic policy choices.  2011 will mark a significant milestone for the war in Afghanistan, as experts coalesce around an effective, sustainable exit strategy.  While some seek to debate counterterrorism strategies, practitioners agree on a comprehensive approach that brings the fight to terrorists, hews to our Constitution and denies terrorists the propaganda victory they seek.  Congress can bring bipartisan debt-cutting zeal to a leaner, modernized defense budget.  And as senior military officials have warned, dealing with Iran will demand bipartisan subtlety and restraint, lest we cement Iran's determination to acquire the bomb and destroy the beginnings of political reform within the country. 

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