5/24/10

Before the graduating class at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, President Obama previewed a national security strategy intended to secure Americans' safety, prosperity and liberty for the decades ahead.  In an address that built on the finest traditions of Presidential leadership, the President laid out four pillars of a 21^st-century security strategy for America.

Projecting influence abroad rests on improving the fundamentals of American power at home. "Our strength and influence abroad begins with the steps we take at home...Simply put, American innovation must be a foundation of American power.  Because at no time in human history has a nation of diminished economic vitality maintained its military and political primacy."

The effective advancement of American interests must rely on all instruments of national power. "As we build these sources of strength, the second thing we must do is build and integrate the capabilities that can advance our interests, and the common interests of human beings.  We will need the renewed engagement of our diplomats, from grand capitals to dangerous outposts; and development experts who can support Afghan agriculture and help Africans build the capacity to feed themselves."

Shape an international order that can meet the challenges of our generation. "America has not succeeded by stepping outside the currents of cooperation; we have succeeded by steering those currents in the direction of liberty and justice--so nations thrive by meeting their responsibilities, and face consequences when they don't...So the third thing we must do is shape an international order that can meet the challenges of our generation.  We will be steadfast in strengthening those old alliances that have served us so well...As influence extends to more countries and capitals, we must also build new partnerships, and shape stronger international standards and institutions."

America's resilient spirit is derived from living according to the values that formed the creed of our founding. "And so a fourth and fundamental part of our strategy is America's support for those universal rights that formed the creed of our founding.  We will promote these values above all by living them-through our fidelity to the rule of law and our Constitution, even when it's hard; and through our commitment to forever pursue a more perfect union."

First, the strategy recognizes a core reality of American power: U.S. ability to project influence abroad is defined first by domestic prosperity and innovation. This principle, which as Secretary Gates recently recalled, was clarified so memorably and so often by President Eisenhower, rests on the understanding that advancing America's place in the world is simply not possible without the support offered by a vibrant economy back home.  From its critical investments in economic recovery, to its dogged pursuit of health care for U.S. citizens, to its work toward putting America's fiscal house in order, the administration, backed by progressives in Congress, has demonstrated a clear commitment to strengthening the foundation of American power.

Second, the strategy calls for restoring use of the tools used to advance the basic elements of American influence.  The need could not be more urgent. For years, the diplomatic, development and economic tools of national power withered from neglect, a reality that the U.S. military understands all too well. The administration has made a start, in words and actions, at reversing this trend.  From enhanced funding for the State Department and USAID, to newly-integrated policy-making in such places as Haiti and Pakistan, the administration has signaled that all instruments of national power are necessary for advancing U.S. interests.

Third, the challenges and threats of the 21st century - climate change, terrorism, nuclear proliferation, a sustainable global economy - are global in nature and require global solutions. The U.S. must shape an international order capable of overcoming these obstacles to security and prosperity.  Nor is this simply an end unto itself.  As the connection between the administration's efforts to shore up the integrity of the global nonproliferation regime and its work to deal with the questions of Iran's and North Korea's nuclear activities makes clear, strengthening the well-being and legitimacy of the international system has concrete and immediate ramifications for American security.

Finally, U.S. national security rests on the "strength and resilience" of the American people, qualities which flow from American values. Hewing to American values builds support for our policies abroad and has particular implications for U.S. policies aimed at countering violent extremists who would both seek to do us harm and to compromise on our principles. Steve Flynn, now President of the Center for National Policy, explained how America's resilience is one of the strongest assets in the counterterrorism arsenal, urging Americans not to cow down in the face of terrorist intimidation: "Resilience has historically been one of the United States' great national strengths...A climate of fear and a sense of powerlessness caused by the threats of terrorism and natural disasters are undermining American ideals and fueling political demagoguery. Rebuilding the resilience of American society is the way to reverse this and respond to today's challenges." 

As President Eisenhower recognized when he delivered his farewell address to the nation, progress toward the goals that all Americans share is not guaranteed.  Just as the persistent possibility of global conflict jeopardized the achievement of American interests in Eisenhower's time, so do new threats and challenges confront the United States in the 21^st century. Rather than addressing such challenges through radical doctrines or ideologies, the President's four pillars rest on what James Fallows described as a "return to the best and most sustainable tradition of post-World War II American foreign policy."

What We're Reading

South Korean President Lee Myung-bak said that his country is stopping all trade and most investment with North Korea and closing its sea lanes to North Korean ships after the nation's deadly attack on a South Korean warship.

Navies that have arrested pirates off the Horn of Africa are debating: What do we do with them now?

Iran outlined to the IAEA a deal to give up some of its enriched uranium, calling it major progress toward defusing international tensions over its atomic aspirations, although the U.S. and allies remain skeptical.

Masked men defending reputed drug lord Christopher Coke, who is sought by the United States for extradition, torched a police station and traded gunfire with security forces in a patchwork of barricaded slums in Jamaica's capital.

Chinese President Hu Jintao said that China will move gradually and independently in making changes to the nation's exchange-rate mechanism as talks with the U.S. opened in Beijing.

Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said he is determined to reduce the "trust deficit" between India and Pakistan as his nation engages in a "major effort" to repair relations between the two rivals.

European Union election observers in Ethiopia are investigating complaints of irregularities in Sunday's vote, but say the election was largely peaceful and calm.

Australia has expelled an Israeli diplomat saying Israel was behind the forging of Australian passports linked to the murder of a Hamas operative in Dubai last January.

Two American tourists have been kidnapped by Yemeni tribesmen near the capital Sanaa.

Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama gave up on a campaign pledge and accepted a longstanding U.S. proposal for positioning American troops in Japan, backing down from a battle with Washington as the two nations grapple with growing threats in the region.

Commentary of the Day

Gary Schaub Jr. and James Forsyth Jr. lay out a detailed plan and rationale for bringing our nuclear arsenal down to 311 weapons without sacrificing our security or deterrent.

Fred Hiatt explores the conspicuous absence of national security and defense issues from candidates' platforms and the larger national debate.

Robert Haddick asks: Will NATO ever fight again?